1792
PAINE OPPOSES THE EXECUTION OF LOUIS XVI
by Thomas Paine
Electronically Enhanced Text (c) Copyright 1996, World Library(R)
Paine Opposes the Execution of Louis XVI
CITIZEN PRESIDENT: My hatred and abhorrence of absolute
monarchy are sufficiently known; they originated in principles of
reason and conviction, nor, except with life, can they ever be
extirpated; but my compassion for the unfortunate, whether friend
or enemy, is equally lively and sincere.
I voted that Louis should be tried, because it was necessary
to afford proofs to the world of the perfidy, corruption and
abomination of the French government.
The infinity of evidence that has been produced exposes them
in the most glaring and hideous colors.
Nevertheless I am inclined to believe that if Louis Capet had
been born in an obscure condition, had he lived within the circle
of an amiable and respectable neighborhood, at liberty to practise
the duties of domestic life, had he been thus situated I cannot
believe that he would have shown himself destitute of social
virtues; we are, in a moment of fermentation like this, naturally
little indulgent to his vices, or rather to those of his
government; we regard them with additional horror and indignation;
not that they are more heinous than those of his predecessors, but
because our eyes are now open, and the veil of delusion at length
withdrawn; yet the lamentably degraded state to which he is
actually reduced is surely far less imputable to him than to the
constituent assembly - which, of its own authority, without consent
or advice of the people, restored him to the throne.
I was present at the time of the flight or abdication of Louis
XVI, and when he was taken and brought back. The proposal of
restoring to him the supreme power struck me with amazement; and
although at that time I was not a citizen, yet as a citizen of the
world, I employed all the efforts that depended on me to prevent
it.
The people have beat down royalty, never, never to rise again;
they have brought Louis Capet to the bar, and demonstrated in the
face of the whole world, the intrigues, the falsehood, corruption,
and rooted depravity of his government: there remains then only one
question to be considered, what is to be done with this man?
For myself, I freely confess that when I reflect on the
unaccountable folly that restored the executive power to his hands,
all covered as he was with perjuries and treason, I am far more
ready to condemn the constituent assembly than the unfortunate
prisoner, Louis Capet.
But, abstracted from every other consideration, there is one
circumstance in his life which ought to cover or at least to
palliate a great number of his transgressions, and this very
circumstance affords the French nation a blessed occasion of
extricating itself from the yoke of its kings without defiling
itself in the impurities of their blood.
It is to France alone, I know, that the United States of
America owe that support which enabled them to shake off an unjust
and tyrannical yoke. The ardor and zeal which she displayed to
provide both men and money were the natural consequences of a
thirst for liberty. But as the nation at that time, restrained by
the shackles of her own Government, could only act by means of a
monarchical organ, this organ, whatever in other respects the
object might be, certainly performed a good, a great action.
Let then these United States be the safeguard and asylum of
Louis Capet. There, hereafter, far removed from the miseries and
crimes of royalty, he may learn from the constant aspect of public
prosperity, that the true system of government consists in fair,
equal and honorable representation. In relating this circumstance,
and in submitting this proposition, I consider myself as a citizen
of both countries.
I submit it as a citizen of America who feels the debt of
gratitude which he owes to every Frenchman. I submit it also as a
man who cannot forget that kings are subject to human frailties. I
support my proposition as a citizen of the French republic, because
it appears to me the best, the most politic measure that can be
adopted.
As far as my experience in public life extends, I have ever
observed that the great mass of the people are invariably just,
both in their intentions and in their objects; but the true method
of accomplishing that effect, does not always show itself in the
first instance. For example, the English nation has groaned under
the despotism of the Stuarts. Hence Charles the Ist lost his life;
yet Charles the IId was restored to all the full plenitude of power
which his father had lost. Forty years had not expired when the
same family strove to re-establish their ancient oppression; so the
nation then banished from its territories the whole race. The
remedy was effectual: the Stuart family sunk into obscurity, con-
founded itself with the multitude, and is at length extinct.
The French nation has carried her measures of government to a
greater length. France is not satisfied with exposing the guilt of
the monarch, she has penetrated into the vices and horrors of the
monarchy. She has shown them clear as daylight, and forever crushed
that system; and he whoever he may be, that should ever dare to
reclaim those rights, would be regarded not as a pretender, but
punished as a traitor.
Two brothers of Louis Capet have banished themselves from the
country, but they are obliged to comply with the spirit and
etiquette of the courts where they reside.
They can advance no pretensions on their own account, so long
as Louis shall live.
The history of monarchy in France was a system pregnant with
crimes and murders, cancelling all natural ties, even those by
which brothers are united. We know how often they have assassinated
each other to pave a way to power. As those hopes which the
emigrants had reposed in Louis XVI. are fled, the last that remains
rests upon his death, and their situation inclines them to desire
this catastrophe, that they may once again rally round a more
active chief, and try one further effort under the fortune of the
ci-devant Monsieur and d'Artois. That such an enterprise would
precipitate them into a new abyss of calamity and disgrace, it is
not difficult to foresee; yet it might be attended with mutual
loss, and it is our duty, as legislators, not to spill a drop of
blood when our purpose may be effectually accomplished without it.
It has been already proposed to abolish the punishment of death,
and it is with infinite satisfaction that I recollect the humane
and excellent oration pronounced by Robespierre on that subject in
the constituent assembly. This cause must find its advocates in
every corner where enlightened politicians and lovers of humanity
exist, and it ought above all to find them in this assembly.
Bad governments have trained the human race, and inured it to
the sanguinary arts and refinements of punishment; and it is
exactly the same punishment that has so long shocked the sight and
tormented the patience of the people which now in their turn they
practise in revenge on their oppressors.
But it becomes us to be strictly on our guard against the
abomination and perversity of such examples. As France has been the
first of European nations to amend her government, let her also be
the first to abolish the punishment of death, and to find out a
milder and more effectual substitute.
In the particular case now under consideration, I submit the
following propositions,-1st. That the national convention shall
pronounce the sentence of banishment on Louis and his family: 2d.
That Louis Capet shall be detained in prison till the end of the
war, and then the sentence of banishment to be executed.
THE END
|
